Administering Civil Society: Towards a Theory of State Power by Mark Neocleous

By Mark Neocleous

To maintain social order the kingdom needs to administer civil society, with a threefold goal - the fashioning of the marketplace, the structure of felony subjectivity and the subsumption of fight. In Administering Civil Society Mark Neocleous deals a rethinking of the state-civil society contrast throughout the notion of political management. this is often completed via an unique examining of Hegel's Philosophy of correct and an insightful critique of Foucault's account of energy and management. the end result is a hugely provocative concept of country energy.

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The demand for suffrage could be conceded, the demands for political recognition could be met, and then used as the political and legal basis for new forms of administration. The working class had to be granted bourgeois rights, that is, rights as bonafide citizens of biirgerliche Gesellshajt, on which their administration as political subjects and objects could be based. Here we encounter the fundamental problem. Advocating the principle of the fullest possible participation, the principle of suffrage, and the extension of rights is one thing.

Thus the working class, as the universal class, will carry through the task of socialization. However, if one overcomes the dichotomy of state and civil society in a new social unity thereby closing off the distinction between the political and the social, to the extent that the state disappears so too must civil society. One will be left with the social. 82 In this sense one can argue that it is the social rather than the proletariat that features as the universal in Marx's work. Marx inherits the concept of the universal class from Hegel, replacing the bureaucracy as the universal estate with the class with radical chains that will be the redemption ofhumanity.

It is therefore self-evident that the vote must constitute the chief political interest of real civil society. Only when civil society has achieved unrestricted active and passive suffrage has it real[y raised itself to the point of abstraction from itself, to the political existence which constitutes its true, universal, essential existence. But the perfection of this abstraction is also its transcendence [Azdhebung]. By really establishing its political existence as its authentic existence, civil society ensures that its civil existence, in so far as it is distinct from its political existence, is inessential.

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