By Valerie Sperling
Is globalization solid for democracy? Or has it made our governing associations much less dependable to voters? situated on the intersection of diplomacy and comparative politics, this publication explores the results of globalization on nationwide governance. lower than what conditions do the transnational forces that include globalization motivate or discourage political responsibility? one of the transnational forces mentioned within the publication are the foreign financial Fund, the realm financial institution, multinational enterprises, the United international locations, deepest army contractors, peacekeepers, the eu court docket of Human Rights, and a number of other transnational social activities. utilizing in-depth case reports of events within which those transnational associations have interaction with nationwide governments and electorate, Valerie Sperling lines the influence of financial, political, army, judicial, and civic globalization on kingdom responsibility and investigates the measure to which transnational associations are themselves dependable to the folk whose lives they modify. to hear Valerie Sperling's interview with New Hampshire Public Radio, stopover at
http://www.nhpr.org/node/26440 (Windows clients)
http://www.nhpr.org/audio/audio/wom-2009-08-12-vp3.mp3 (Mac clients) additionally, pay attention her interview with KOPN radio in Columbia, Missouri on reside audio movement
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Extra resources for Altered States: The Globalization of Accountability
Org/en/reports/global/ hdr2005/. 10 China and several of the other developing economies most successful in the globalization era had expanded their exports, but maintained protection of their industries until new jobs in export sectors were created. Lowering barriers to imports without creating jobs to make up for those inevitably lost when imports drive local businesses in some sectors to bankruptcy would only reduce economic growth. ”13 Former World Bank economist Robert Wade critiqued the Bank’s use of change in the ratio of trade to GDP as the indicator for globalization, arguing that instead the appropriate variable should be the level of a state’s integration.
P. 59. 59 The origins of structural adjustment programs lie largely in the oil crisis of 1973. As oil prices rose, profits flowed from the oil-exporting countries to Western banks, which sought to lend the money out and benefit from interest on their loans. Many such loans were made to the governments of developing countries, enabling them to pay for the increasingly expensive oil, and also to buy Western goods, fund large development projects, increase military spending, and, in some cases, pocket the funds themselves.
See M. Steven Fish and Omar Choudhry, “Democratization and Economic Liberalization in the Postcommunist World,” Comparative Political Studies, Vol. 40 (2007), pp. 254–82. Another study, looking only at democracies, finds that the more integrated a country is into the global economy (measured by trade openness and capital flows), the less “retrospective accountability” there is for incumbents on economic issues (that is, in the face of poor economic performance, voters punish incumbents less in open economies than they do in relatively more closed ones, possibly because politicians are able to blame globalization and economic openness for 23 24 28 Altered States Even if economic liberalization is positively correlated with democratization, the increased income inequality that has accompanied the rise of free market reforms may well amount to an unequal distribution of political accountability among the citizenry of individual countries.